On May 15 and 16, 2021, a democratic election was held where more than 80 percent of Chileans voted to establish a new Constituent Convention, whose mission was to draft a new Magna Carta for Chile. It would replace the Constitution of 1980, drafted during Augusto Pinochet’s 1973-90 military dictatorship. On that occasion, the citizens had the opportunity to choose their representatives for the Constitutional Convention, made up, for the most part, of independent, left-wing, and center-left representatives.
Citizens gave this democratic Constituent Convention the mission of embodying, in this new constitution, the aspirations of the vast majority of Chileans such as health, education, housing, better pensions, human rights, and mechanisms that promote inclusion, among others.
It should be noted that in those elections the right suffered a great defeat. It obtained a very small number of representatives in the Constitutional Convention. This meant it had minimal impact on the final decisions of this democratic entity. In other words, during this process, the bourgeoisie was isolated from the dialogue that was taking place. To this day they are bleeding from the wound.
After a year of work, the members of the Constitutional Convention presented their proposal to the citizens. Most relevant was the declaration that Chile would become a social and democratic state. The constitutional proposal also included significant structural changes, such as the decentralization of the political system, eliminating the Senate, and maintaining the House of Deputies as the sole legislative structure.
At the same time, the draft Constitution proposed the creation of the House of the Regions. This House of the Regions would be granted economic resources to meet the needs of the people in an equitable manner. This would be in relation to urban centers such as Santiago. It would also give them greater power and independence in the decision-making in their regions.
Another point of importance in the new constitution is seeing the urgency for taking concrete actions to protect the environment, emphasizing sustainable economic development to protect nature and the ecosystems in the nation’s territory.
Undoubtedly, one of the most controversial points in the new constitution is its recognition of the native peoples. The new draft constitution not only proposed the return of part of their territory but also respect and appreciation of their culture, language, worldview and justice system, which in many cases is very different from the traditional concept of the Chilean state, which is based on a social, classist and exclusionary system with deep roots in the European model of domination.
On the other hand, the new draft constitution declared water as a common good for all Chileans, which cannot be privatized. It also established gender equality and the right to non-discrimination, among others.
On September 4, more than 13 million Chileans voted to approve or reject the draft new constitution. Mass participation in the elections was not due only to the voters’ enthusiasm, but rather because the National Congress had previously legislated that the vote in the plebiscite is mandatory.
The final results of the plebiscite were overwhelming: 31.14 percent approved and 61.86 percent rejected.
Several questions arose: How can the Chilean people reject a progressive and democratic draft constitution? In just one year, can they change into a conservative society, resistant to change? Or did the new draft constitution not incorporate the citizens’ aspirations and expectations?
We will try to answer these and other questions. In August 2021, the Tribuno del Pueblo published my article “Constituent Convention 2021: an open window for profound changes in the Chilean political system.” It analyzed the possible reactions of the Chilean right to the possible changes in the new constitution.
“The Chilean bourgeoisie knows the new Constitution most likely will strip it of the judicial tools that have allowed them to plunder the country,” the article said. “It will not be easy for the Convention and the people to resist the attacks that will surely be perpetuated against this democratic organization.”https://tribunodelpueblo.org/the-constituent-convention-of-2021-a-window-of-opportunity-for-profound-change-in-chiles-political-system/
Well, the analysis was correct. The Chilean right used lies and fear as political weapons to discredit one of the most advanced constitutions in the history of Latin America. To make this goal possible, they raised the necessary funds to implement a major media campaign to spread lies and fear to the public.
The national bourgeoisie contributed millions of dollars to carry out this dreadful task. We have the chance to appreciate, live and direct, through the main media, interviews, shamelessly, spreading news full of misinformation and lies that those right-wing politicians promulgated without even blushing. Some of the lies that were recurrently transmitted by the media were the following:
- The new constitution would leave the doors open to take away the provisional funds (pensions) from the workers.
- Houses built with partial state funds would not be inheritable.
- The draft constitution divided Chileans since it proposed the recognition of native peoples, and peoples like the Mapuches did not want such recognition, since they considered themselves 100 percent Chilean.
- The draft constitution inhibited private investment since it offered too many social rights to Chileans, therefore, the benefits proposed by the new constitution could not be financed or fulfilled.
- The declaration of water as the property of all Chileans, contained in the proposal, endangered the investment of mining transnationals, stating that water was an essential element for such an industry.
- That with the same measure, agricultural producers were going to be deprived of the precious liquid to carry out their cultivation tasks.
These and other lies were spread throughout the campaign without anyone forcefully denying them. The vast majority of Chileans were born during the dictatorship, and if there is something they are used to feeling, it is fear. On the other hand, there is a lack of credibility in government institutions, fundamentally due to the gap between electoral campaign speeches and actual political practice.
This phenomenon is what marked the administrations’ supposed left governments of Michelle Bachelet and Gabriel Boric. Both administrations have tried to project an image of stability, emphasizing respect for “republican” institutions and traditions. Unfortunately, by acting in this way, this administration has given the power the right to torpedo any initiative, whether economic or political to benefit the Chilean working class.
A good example is that Gabriel Boric’s government was immobilized to defend the proposal for the new constitution, since the Comptroller General of Chile prevented it, arguing that a Chilean government official could not use economic resources and the power of their positions to campaign politically. Additionally, the incompetence and immaturity of the new government’s officials, with their fearful posture “normalized” the use of deception and disinformation that led Chileans to vote against their own interests.
On September 4, one week after the 49th anniversary of the fascist military coup of September 11, 1973, the Chilean right-wing commemorated the triumph of the “rejection,” reaping the fruits of a Machiavellian campaign that led the Chilean people to lose the historic opportunity to claim their rights.
Currently, the Chilean political parties are negotiating whether to create a new, democratically elected Constitutional Convention. The right and its accomplices, the center-left, are trying to convince the social democratic government headed by Gabriel Boric, that this conventional process should be guided by a commission of “experts.” The problem is to define who would be part of this group of “experts?” Common sense tells us that this will be the new strategy of the Chilean bourgeoisie to hinder the drafting of a progressive constitutional document, and thus ensure its hegemony and protect its interests in the political scenario of this South American country in the coming decades.
However, it can be concluded that deep down, the right and its accomplices, the center-left, shot themselves in the foot. None of them will be able to delay a more just and democratic Chile. Let us remember the reasons for the emergence of the “Social Outbreak:” The Chilean people, although terrified and manipulated, will surely be able to overcome, once again, another dark period in Chile’s history.
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