The Digital Border Wall: A Q&A with Journalist Verónica Martínez about the CBP One App

The CBP One app—according to journalist Verónica Martínez—has been deterring asylum seekers now for more than a year. In 2023 Customs and Border Protection required that all asylum seekers use the app to begin their claims, and this has been a focus of Martínez’s journalism as part of her work with La Verdad Juárez and her fellowship with the international organization Migration Tech Monitor. While CBP claims that the app works efficiently and cuts down on smugglers, Martínez’s journalism (that she links to specifically below) shows that this is hardly the case. Indeed, as she explains here, the app has become a both a digital and bureaucratic border wall. Rather than an innocuous phone app, Martínez shows it needs to be viewed as part of the broader U.S. border enforcement apparatus and its externalization into Mexico and beyond.

In 2023, Martínez was one of Migration Tech Monitor’s five fellows from all over the world (Mexico, Venezuela, Syria, Uganda, and Saudi Arabia/UAE) to report on technology, surveillance, and migration. For several years, Martínez has worked for La Verdad Juárez, an independent outlet that does hard-hitting investigative journalism based in Ciudad Juárez. She previously reported for the El Paso Times and the Las Cruces Sun-News.

Verónica Martínez

For the last year you have been focusing on the CBP One app. What are your most important findings?

So, in order for the United States to manage humanitarian asylum and parole requests, they made it mandatory for asylum seekers to proceed through the CBP One phone app since May 2023. This happened when the Biden administration implemented new immigration policies after the end of Title 42 on May 12, 2023.

But CBP One has been around for years, and it was mainly used to process ahead of time I-94 and commercial permits to import agricultural products. So it’s been a kind of tool used by the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to manage entries into the United States.

Now that asylum seekers are required to go through this app, the U.S. government has promoted it as a tool that helps manage migration in a “safe and orderly manner.”

It was in December 2022 that they started to promote the use of the app for parole programs mainly offered to Venezuelans, and then this moved to other nationalities and any other person who wanted to request asylum. This is when we started to see the effect that the use of this technology has on people on the move and border communities.

For me there were three main findings to my investigations.

First, the implementation of this app always had the purpose of diminishing the amount of people who were physically coming to the U.S.-Mexico border, but encounters with Border Patrol show that irregular entries have not ceased. From May to December of 2023, around 324,000 CBP One appointments were processed through the ports of entry, but there were more than 1 million encounters with Border Patrol registered in that same period.

Second, the app was not developed to be accessible. The work done by international and local organizations show a great need for orientation and programs that help people navigate the app.

And third, moving the asylum process to a digital platform has shifted the needs of asylum seekers who make it all the way to the border. Now access to internet and power sources are essential for people on the move, and sometimes that is put before other needs like health and shelter.

How the CBP One app looks on a phone. (Photo credit: Verónica Martínez)

Did you have any stories about people’s struggles using the CBP One app that are emblematic of what people are going through?

Since December 2022, the issue of CBP One was just a constant in my everyday reporting. The usual conversations that I have with people involve asking them where they are from, how long they’ve been in Mexico, how they managed to get to Ciudad Juárez, and how they intended to cross to the United States. To those questions I now add, “Are you currently using the CBP One app? For how long have you been using it? Have you managed to get an appointment?” For the last question, the answer is usually no. Three stories come to mind: First, disinformation mobilizes big groups of people to international ports of entry. Second, one of asylum seekers’ main complaints is that the app doesn’t work efficiently. CBP One hasn’t responded to these complaints in border communities.

Third, the app is not meeting the demand of asylum requests, and the issues that users often encounter make CBP One a barrier to access asylum rather than an efficient tool.

How does this play into the intense militarization that we see on the Ciudad Juárez–El Paso border?

CBP One is acting in parallel to the intense militarization on the border and immigration control strategies. While migration is dissuaded by the enforcement of control actions by the Instituto Nacional de Migración (INM) and by the presence of the Mexican and Texas National Guard, CBP One is the tool used to manage it.

Can we view the CBP One app as another mechanism of U.S. border externalization? And, if so, how have you seen that play out in Mexico?

The use of CBP One is similar to the implementation of immigration policies like the Migrant Protection Protocol, at least in its functionality and its effects on the border. Academics from the Colegio de la Frontera Norte and Colegio de Chihuahua have also mentioned these similarities. CBP One is a digital line that is keeping people waiting in Mexico to get asylum. It is not that different from the Remain in Mexico policy. We see lines at the international ports of entry. Shelters are occupied by asylum seekers waiting for their appointments, and with Remain in Mexico, it was them waiting for their court dates.

 

Information about the CBP One app posted at the border in Ciudad Juárez. (Photo credit: Verónica Martínez)

What do you think will happen this year, especially given the presidential campaigns and elections in both countries? In the United States we are definitely seeing more exaggerated narratives around migration, for example. It seems like dynamics such as increased border militarization and externalization will only persist.

I agree that the narrative surrounding immigration is becoming one of the main voting issues for people in the U.S., and I think the narrative is getting more and more polarizing. I don’t think the narrative will play out that way in Mexico because it won’t be a main voting issue.

 

From what we saw on the first electoral debate, the candidates for president, Claudia Sheinbaum and Xóchitl Gálvez, have stated a similar stance, and this is collaborating with the United States to handle migration influx. At the federal level, I think this is what we will continue to see: the INM enforcing strategies to mitigate migration and reduce irregular crossing at the U.S.-Mexico border.

In terms of immigration policies, I think we will see more interesting takes from state governments, like the current approach of Governor María Eugenia Campos in Chihuahua, focusing on public safety when talking about immigration in the region.

You were a part of a group journalists who received a fellowship in 2023 from the Migration Tech Monitor. Could you tell me a little bit about this and the other journalists in the fellowship? I bet there were some interesting projects!

As far as journalists in this first group of fellows, there were just me and another journalist from Syria, Wael Qarssifi, and of course we also get to share our thoughts with Florian Schmitz, a journalist based in Greece who leads the fellowship along with Petra Molnar. It is very interesting to have conversations with them and the rest of the fellows. First, with Wael and Florian we have this common ground, which is journalism and our focus on covering immigration. For me, it is fascinating to see all the similarities when we’re talking about border, militarization, law enforcement, immigration policy, and how in the end it is the same situation everywhere. People’s human rights and mobility are being violated and limited in similar ways.

 

Wael’s work reminds me of the work I used to do in the U.S. when talking about the challenges that asylum seekers face at the destination countries. In Mexico, I’m doing very different work because Mexico is a country of transit, and people on the move face different challenges. Then we have amazing projects like Voices of Venezuela by Nery Santaella, whose work is more related to nonprofits and the work that Rajendra Paudel does relating to education through social media.

There is also Simon Drotti, who is the only one who directly works in tech as a data analyst and graphics and UX designer. I think his project is amazing, a social media platform for refugees and asylum seekers to share their stories.

Does this make you hopeful for journalism?

I wouldn’t use the words “hopeful” and “journalism” in the same sentence. But that’s just me, a Mexican journalist going through a period of burnout. This fellowship has convinced me that to keep journalism going, especially in harsh environments like Mexico, we need to have collaborations and create support networks with other fields to keep our work safe and efficient.

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